頗懷疑這時候放出金融穩定法風聲,是為了接下來的違約潮與更嚴苛的資金管制做準備。前者可能是不認帳或轉移損失,後者可能是將各方面資金限制檯面化降低流動。

"中國銀行央行副行長劉桂平也在3月的1篇文章敦促改革,他指出,中國的金融規則過於分散,可以借鑑美國的《多德—弗蘭克法案》及其他主要經濟體的金融改革經驗。劉桂平認為,中國需要一致的金融穩定法。

劉桂平已向全國人大呈交提案,並建議在條件成熟時盡快出台。但北京威諾律師事務所合夥人Yang Zhaoquan指出,完成這項法案可能得花上3到5年的時間,他稱,由於風險事件接連出現,不僅損害市場,還波及金融及社會穩定性,因此迫切需要更多且強大法律工具。

《彭博》指出,像共產黨這樣執著於「掌控」的政府,在監管金融機構的行為似乎不太一致,一方面是疏忽對華融的監管,導致該公司爆發財務危機,一方面卻又警告像螞蟻集團這樣的公司影響力過大。"

ec.ltn.com.tw/article/breaking

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" As long as China’s policymakers are unwilling to stop the political steering of interest rates and the exchange rate, strict limits regarding capital inflows and – more importantly – outflows will need to be maintained. Those limits will prevent the country from playing a major role in global finance. If the CCP were to put an end to political interventions in the financial system, this would have ramifications that would go far beyond crisis management. In an economy that has become ever more politicized since Xi Jinping took over as head of the CCP, political control over the financial system remains indispensable for the support of state-owned enterprises and the advance of industrial policy objectives. A complete removal of capital controls would therefore require a fundamental overhaul of the CCP’s most basic economic doctrines.

Moreover, a degree of financial integration that would allow China’s financial markets to compete with their U.S. counterparts would also necessitate a strong protection of property rights, which would go against the grain of Xi’s disdain for the rule of law and be irreconcilable with an increasingly totalitarian political system. "

thediplomat.com/2021/05/why-ch

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