滿十八歲也成為關押藉口時...
"蓋瑞與安卓莉亞接受《法新社》專訪時提到，他們替亞洲一個NGO工作，2007年時到新疆，他們一家人都能說一口流利的維吾爾語和中文，並在當地經營一家堆肥場，維吾爾人歡迎他們，他們也融入維吾爾人的文化、一起生活。安卓莉亞說，自從目睹2009年的暴力騷亂之後，一切都變了樣，傳統的維吾爾社區開始被拆除，越來越多人離開社區、搬進公寓。蓋瑞指出，中國起初是限制伊斯蘭傳統，後來擴大到食物、穿著甚至是語言都在打壓，原本只有部分古蘭經被禁，到最後所有突厥語系的書籍都被禁。
到了2016年，蓋瑞夫婦發現在路上的警察人數開始增加，主要路口都設置檢查哨，監視器更是遍布街頭，安卓莉亞表示：「突然間，你必須要通過機場安全等級的安檢才能走進一間雜貨店。」蓋瑞透露，他們家附近就有一座集中營，有著4公尺高的圍牆，圍牆上設置帶刺鐵絲網及監視器，周邊不定期還有巡邏隊進行監控。
蓋瑞提到，他的兒子當時15歲，兒子有幾個朋友馬上就要滿18歲了，但是他們卻害怕達到「法定年齡」，因為有可能會被關進集中營"
將特定種族定義為落後、偏差、危險是上個世紀殖民主義的心態與作為，而本世紀的中國仍將之施行對共和國內的少數民族政策上。
[ Aspects of China’s new policy direction are certainly destructive, yet their colonial intent ultimately seeks to transform – not exterminate – the physical and social landscape of Xinjiang and other peripheral regions under the government’s control. They work to actively alter the thoughts and behaviors of what Chinese authorities perceive to be a “backward,” “deviant,” and innately “dangerous” sub-section of its population by uplifting their “bio-quality” (suzhi, 素质) and overseeing their rebirth as loyal, patriotic, and civilized Chinese citizens. ]
https://thediplomat.com/2021/04/beyond-xinjiang-xi-jinpings-ethnic-crackdown/
“《美國自由亞洲電台》統計後發現，這份維吾爾人名單中有超過400名未成年人被列入恐怖分子嫌疑人，其中甚至有162人年紀未滿5歲，此外還有一些「恐怖分子」是80歲以上的老者。
《美國自由亞洲電台》引述知情人士的說法稱，中國將維吾爾族幼童納入恐怖主義者名單的做法，就有如當年納粹把猶太兒童趕盡殺絕，而整個反恐行動無疑是個藉口，藉此妖魔化維吾爾族，並從肉體上消滅該族人。”
太陽能板業的強迫勞動疑雲已經從多晶矽製造往上蔓延到原料石英的開採了。
[ Xinjiang Hoshine Silicon Industry mines and processes quartz in the north part of Shanshan Stone Industrial Park, located near the city of Turpan in Xinjiang, China, according to new research. Several miles away, the southern section of the park (shown here) holds two facilities that have been identified as detention centers for the “re-education” of Uyghur people by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), which has researched alleged abuses against minorities in Xinjiang. ]
扶貧名義下的強迫勞動:
" Former detainees of Xinjiang internment camps are also sometimes funneled to factories around the region in the name of poverty alleviation, according to rights groups and Chinese government documents. Western researchers have pointed at references to paramilitary management of workers and political indoctrination at factories that appear on government websites and in Chinese state media reports as further indicators that the poverty-alleviation programs may be involuntary. "
