今年九合一選舉如同保齡球般幾乎將寶島流於片段化的台媒球瓶全數擊倒:
"「裝中立」或未有任何價值判斷的報導方式，產生三種現象促成極端右翼主流化：⑴否認媒體議題設定以及在報導過程中產生「偏移」的能力，讓媒體與政治人物躲避他們對公共論述具有影響力的責任，而傾向將問題全怪罪於社群 （e.g.韓粉、鐵鏽帶勞工）；⑵過去在學術上被定義為種族主義、族群歧視、性別歧視、階級歧視等的極端行為與言詞，現在全以「民粹」委婉帶過。在台灣，政治價值的清楚辯證常被沒有差異性的以顏色稱為「藍、綠」或紅或白，或是將其瑣碎化為「藍、綠惡鬥」。所有價值清楚的政治論述或道德清楚的立場，都因為報導上的「委婉言詞」，而意義模糊；⑶透過媒體放大效果，一些人物，其言語、行為，再犧牲其他人與議題所應得的注意力下，不成比例地被放大。"
近屆選舉走向轉變:
"從近兩屆的地方選舉結果來看，負面競選與中國因素無可避免地成為選戰的主旋律，也因為這兩項策略「有效」所以一直出現在選戰中，說是 SOP 大概也還有幾分同意。
但問題在於，在負面競選下，選民因為「討厭對手」而把票投給你，不意味著選民支持你，如果沒有讀出其中的訊息、以為自己深受選民的支持，進而沒有透過政策牛肉增加自己的被喜愛度，還有「罷免」作為檢驗你是真被喜愛還是因為太討厭對手才當選。"
這次的藍白合被外界質疑基礎不穩:
[ Political pundits have at times expressed skepticism about an opposition coalition. It would be a historic first for the KMT not to have a candidate running for president if its nominee, Hou, who is currently behind Ko in some polls, agrees to be Ko’s running mate.
“Even if they cooperate, I don’t think we’ve heard the last of the squabbles between them,” Nachman said, given differences in their personalities, and potentially in their opinions over how far to go in aligning with China.]
外媒都能看出郭不參選是顧忌北京, 郭的聲明就自我安慰用的:
"In one development that is likely to please Beijing, Gou’s spokeswoman said Friday that the billionaire didn’t have plans to register, meaning he would drop out of the race and avoid diverting votes from either of the other two opposition candidates. Foxconn, one of the world’s top assemblers of iPhones, is facing an investigation of some of its China operations for alleged tax and land-use violations in what political analysts said was a move by Beijing to force Gou to withdraw from the election. "
只要民進黨立委席次不過半，藍白就算贏了，因此這屆立委選舉將是一場艱困硬仗：
“即使從立委選舉的角度，藍白分裂也未必有利於綠營。首先，藍白分裂會護住民眾黨的不分區選票，只要白營不崩盤，民進黨立刻少拿約兩席的不分區，對國會過半的目標而言，一來一回即差了4席。而藍白分裂也讓綠營支持者自認選情「尚有餘裕」，當選民沒有「退一步即無死所」的危機感，代表難以衝高得票率，這正是國民黨亂中取勝的盤算。”
這種傳統好像跟唱票一樣是台灣選舉特有? 
"For many first-generation Taiwanese Americans, the quadrennial journey back to Taiwan has become something of a diaspora tradition since 1996, when the island held its first democratic presidential elections. Ms. Lai said that as a child in upstate New York, she was always vaguely aware of the latest developments in Taiwanese politics and would watch her parents fly back themselves to participate in presidential elections.
對於許多初代台裔美國人而言，自1996年台灣舉行首屆民主總統選舉以來，每四年一次的返台之旅已成為一種僑民傳統。萊絲莉·賴說，她小時候在紐約上州生活，始終對台灣政壇的最新進展有模糊的印象，她的父母也會飛回台灣參加總統選舉。"
https://cn.nytimes.com/usa/20240113/taiwanese-american-voters-election/zh-hant/dual/
日本電視台的八分鐘有把選舉氛圍剪進去:
這回大選，無論是去競總成立場、凱道場、板橋場，都看到好多明顯是國外來觀選的，認真算起來的話，是連更早在黑熊上課時，都能遇到一大群歐媒參訪團（還偷拿我的筆去用💢💢），台灣的國際能見度真是前所未有的高～
接下來的重頭戲應該就是大選辯論會吧....
[ “The K.M.T., as the grand old party, could never make way for an upstart party, so structurally, it was very difficult for them to work out how to work together,” said Brian Hioe, a founding editor of New Bloom, a Taiwanese magazine that takes a critical view of mainstream politics. On the other hand, Mr. Hioe added, “Ko Wen-je’s party has the need to differentiate itself from the K.M.T. — to show that it’s independent and different — and so working with the K.M.T. would be seen by many of his party membership as a betrayal.”
「國民黨作為一個老大黨，永遠不可能為一個新貴政黨讓路，因此從結構上來說，他們很難找到如何進行合作的辦法，」對主流政治持批評態度的台灣雜誌《破土》的創刊編輯丘琦欣說。從另一方面來看，丘琦欣補充說，「柯文哲的政黨有將自己與國民黨區分開來的需要，以表明它是獨立的、不同的政黨，因此與國民黨合作會被民眾黨的許多黨員視為背叛。」]
https://cn.nytimes.com/asia-pacific/20231127/taiwan-president-opposition-collapse/zh-hant/dual/