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我认为现在的西方主流媒体不堪入目,低智、偏执、思想贫乏、立场先行,最重要的是丧失了基本的诚实,这一点在川普上台后尤其明显,川普下台后也依然如此,川普很可能只是暴露了这些媒体的腐化。

作为替代品,我推荐一些与"正统思想"相对的另类刊物,如果有对英美政治感兴趣的,大可以离开丧失信誉的主流媒体,而把目光转向这些另类刊物。

1. Spiked (spiked-online.com/)

Spiked是一家英国的左翼报刊,与热衷于身份政治主流左翼不同的是,该报刊依然坚持阶级政治,主张普世价值和启蒙思想,并且把自由放在很高的位置,该刊的总编Brendan O'Neill自称是Libertarian Marxist(自由意志马克思主义者),是一个重视自由传统的英国左派。

2.Quillette (quillette.com)

Quillette是来自澳大利亚的一家刊物,由记者Claire Lehmann创立,Quillette一词源自法语,寓意着埋在泥土中柳条会生根发芽,该刊的宗旨是为人们提供一个抨击左翼正统的环境,该刊主要关注的是言论自由与身份政治。

3.Reason (reason.com)

Reason是美国的一家自由意志主义刊物,其关注的重点自然也就是自由,不光是经济自由,还有政治自由与思想自由,创立于1958年,在我列举的四家刊物中,它是历史最悠久的,Milton Friedman, Murray Rothbard, Thomas Szasz, and Thomas Sowell 等重量级人物都曾为之撰稿。

4.UnHerd (unherd.com)

UnHerd来自于英国,是一个年轻的杂志,它的撰稿人既有左派出身的人物,也有右翼人士,该杂志的目标是以新颖大胆的思想打破群体思维的禁锢,该杂志主要关注的是思想观念和文化。

这些另类刊物虽然规模不大,但它们关注的都是切实存在的问题,而且尊重事实和理性,它们言语平实,不用故弄玄虚的行话,与主流媒体的情绪煽动和空洞无物形成了鲜明对比,这些另类刊物的阅读价值远胜于主流媒体。

有一位朋友质疑卫报的这篇文章是否真的主张把言论置于政府和巨头的控制之下,抑制去中心化技术,这是我的回答,由于原本的讨论串并不公开,所以我再重新发一遍:

问:我希望你能解释一下,原文中到底哪里暗示“要打击"仇恨言论" 和 "纳粹主义",就要把言论置于政府和巨头的控制之下,这些去中心化平台是不允许存在的。”?

答:如果你觉得原嘟文的暗示还不够明显的话,我愿意再补充一些:

The technical details are perhaps less important than the practical effect: no one has authority over these platforms: no one owns them. While governments and users can place pressure on the big social media companies to ban problematic users or communities, for better or worse, no one can stop anyone creating their own servers or peer-to-peer networks.

These technologies, then, are effectively uncensorable. According to a report by Emmi Bevensee, the co-founder of research consultancy Rebellious Data and the social media monitoring tool SMAT, extremists have been advocating, and even developing them, for years.

" The reason I want it as a trans anti-fascist is the same reason that a Nazi wants it; we just have opposite ends "

“Every marginalized community knows what it’s like to be systematically deplatformed”, says Bevensee, who uses non-binary pronouns, pointing to the way in which groups such as sex workers have adopted platforms like Mastodon after finding themselves unable to advertise their services.

But as Bevensee’s report shows, peer-to-peer platforms are a double-edged sword. “The reason I want it as a trans anti-fascist is the same reason that a Nazi wants it; we just have opposite ends,” they explain.

“You know who really doesn’t understand it? The FBI,” Bevensee adds: “we’re talking about a technology that can’t be subpoenaed. It can’t be surveiled” and, in order to carry out remote surveillance of private chats, “you would have to back door every single device in the world”.

This opens the way for extremists to propagandize and organize on platforms that are beyond the reach of legal authorities and tech giants alike. After the far right-friendly social media site Gab encountered hosting problems and app store bans, it rebuilt itself on Mastodon’s software, despite determined opposition from the platform’s creators and users.

文章提到,假如用户使用的是去中心化平台,这些平台就不会因为外部的施压而封杀"问题用户"。 (去中心化保护问题用户)

文章还提到,"极端主义者"长年以来一直在推行在研发这类技术。(研发去中心化和p2p等技术的是坏人)

文章还提到,因为这些技术无法被监控,无法被传唤,极端主义者就可以利用这些技术进行宣传和组织。(使用这些技术的是坏人)

问:我还看到了:
"a double-edged sword"
"The reason I want it as a trans anti-fascist is the same reason that a Nazi wants it; we just have opposite ends"

为什么你看到卫报提到 "can’t be surveiled" ,就觉得它是在强调censorship的重要性?还有,下面讲的这些利用技术为恶的难道不是事实?为了不被闭嘴而转行研发这些技术的确实有一大部分人是极端人士啊。

答:"can't be surveiled 来自于该文对Bevensee报告的引用,该文在其后又加入"This opens the way for extremists to propagandize and organize on platforms that are beyond the reach of legal authorities and tech giants alike. " ,再联系前文的"While governments and users can place pressure on the big social media companies to ban problematic users or communities" ,可推导出该文主张把这些人困在中心化的平台中。的确,极端分子利用技术为恶是事实,但首先,我们要把重点集中在有权有势的人用利用技术所行的恶,也就是政府和技术寡头所行之恶,其次,任何技术都有好处有坏处,但总体而言,我认为去中心化的技术是利大于弊的技术,再者,在去中心化技术出现以前,就已经有过印刷术,电报,电话等传播信息的技术,这些技术当然也曾经被坏人使用,但我不认为应该禁止印刷术,电报,电话。即使没有任何技术,只要人有一张嘴,就有可能传播坏思想,但我认为不应该因此封住所有人的嘴。最后,要想完全扼杀人们的恶行,只有靠扼杀人们的自由意志,只有没有自由的地方,完全的安全才是可能的,但这种安全是无意义的。

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对于该报道的内容,也许人们会有不同的理解,我没有时间遂条反驳,所以放出原文供大家自行判断,有意的朋友可以翻译这篇文章:

Far-right supporters move to open source to evade censorship

A suicide and a strange bitcoin bequest have opened a window on to the new frontier of extremist online media

Fri 12 Mar 2021 10.10 GMT

On 8 December last year, a Frenchman called Laurent Bachelier gave away a total of 28.5 bitcoins – worth $556,000 – to 22 people. On the same day, he killed himself.

In suicide notes written in French and English, he explained that the burden of illness (he suffered from a neurological pain disorder) and his loss of hope for the future had led him to despair. After railing against the decline of western civilization and attacks on free speech, he wrote that he had decided to “leave his modest wealth to certain causes and people”.

Allusions to the “14 words” slogan used by white supremacists offered a clue as to the causes he favored. The beneficiaries of Bachelier’s largesse were all either prominent far-right agitators, or platforms offering them a home. The donations immediately attracted the attention of cybersecurity researchers, extremism watchers and law enforcement officers.

Bachelier gave the video platform BitChute two bitcoins (in January, the price of a single bitcoin ranged between $30,000 and $40,000). The neo-Nazi website the Daily Stormer got one, the French Holocaust denier Vincent Reynouard got 1.5, and the US white nationalist celebrity Nick Fuentes, an attendee of the riots in Charlottesville and the rally that preceded the storming of the Capitol in Washington, received 13.5 – worth over $450,000.

A Guardian investigation can now reveal that one of the lesser-known beneficiaries is a YouTube influencer of sorts – one with a history of promoting far-right political ideology. Luke Smith, now a Florida resident, maintains a monetized YouTube channel with 109,000 subscribers. He received at least one bitcoin from Bachelier, valued at the time of writing at just over $30,000.

It’s possible that Bachelier saw in Luke Smith a like mind and a shared purpose. Beyond their common ground in far-right politics, each saw technology as a weapon in their war against liberal, tolerant societies.

Like Bachelier, Smith eschews so-called proprietary software – like MacOS or Microsoft Word – and communications tools like Facebook or Twitter, built and controlled by Silicon Valley firms. Instead, Smith is an advocate for so-called “open source software” – the kind that makes it possible to use, copy, redistribute and modify software legally. And recently, he has been promoting communications platforms that might help extremists to operate beyond the reach of censorship – and even the law.

What Smith preaches: a war against the modern world

The man being funded by Bachelier’s donation likes to present himself as a latter-day Ted Kaczynski – the so-called Unabomber, whose infamous manifesto Smith has at times earnestly recommended to his followers.

Kaczynski, a terrorist still imprisoned for a 17-year bombing campaign that killed three and injured 23, was motivated by a hatred of the modern technological world. In recent years, his apocalyptic account of an industrial civilization on the brink of collapse has resonated with rightwing extremists – including the Christchurch mosque murderer, Brenton Tarrant – who describe themselves as “eco-fascists”.

In 2019, Smith said in a video he wanted to live in a “Unabomber cabin” to escape the surveillance and censorship which he believes is especially aimed at the far right. In a post on his blog in the same year – since deleted – he described the modern world as one “where your every action is watched, if you use proprietary software and communicate only via social media services”.

 The fantasy of the US splintering along ethnic lines has long been entertained by white nationalists

Public records show that Smith moved to a rural property that year near Mayo, in northern Florida, whose title is held by a family member. Since then, most of his videos have been recorded in and around the property.

In various videos and podcasts, Smith rehearses other ideas associated with the far right. He advocates breaking the US up – potentially into racial enclaves “maybe [by] dividing by states, maybe [by] dividing by ethnic groups”. The fantasy of the US splintering along ethnic lines has long been entertained by white nationalists, who have taken to calling themselves the “Balk Right”.

This is not the only place where Smith touches on ideas associated with white nationalism. In a 2018 podcast, he offers an account of human history that relies on arguments made in The 10,000 Year Explosion, described by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a white nationalist book. Smith also directed readers to websites like radishmag, where readers are asked to “reconsider” slavery and lynching is painted in a positive light.

Luke Smith did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Taken together, these beliefs come back to another far-right splinter ideology: the neoreactionary movement, which in the last decade has been enjoying an online renaissance of sorts, especially among some of Silicon Valley’s tech elite.

The birth of the neoreactionary movement

The neoreactionary movement traces its history to 2007, when the Silicon Valley entrepreneur Curtis Yarvin started a popular blog under the pseudonym Mencius Moldbug. He used it to attack liberalism, democracy and equality, discussed racial hierarchy in the euphemistic terms of “human biodiversity”, and counseled followers to simply detach themselves from the society ruled by the institutions of liberalism.

Journalist Corey Pein wrote an account of the culture of Silicon Valley which, in part, examines the influence that Yarvin’s ideas had in the tech world. Pein says that while neoreactionary ideology is somewhat incoherent, what is consistent is the members’ commitment to extricate themselves from liberal democracy. This “exit” doctrine was influential among some Silicon Valley leaders, including the tech billionaire Peter Thiel, who once memorably said: “I no longer believe that freedom and democracy are compatible.”

Smith follows the same ideological path. His principal outlet for these ideas is his YouTube channel, where he offers tutorials on how to use austere open source software applications, encouraging viewers to detach themselves from Silicon Valley’s products. The channel is both relatively successful and lucrative, and followers rate him highly. His videos have had more than 18.7m views,meaning he could earn anywhere up to $31,100 a year from his channel on current numbers.

 Smith has been pushing users in the direction of decentralized social media platforms in the so-called 'fediverse'

YouTube confirmed that Smith’s channel remained in their partner program, meaning that he continues to earn money from the channel, but that they had removed one video, featuring racial slurs, which the Guardian had asked about.

Media representatives for Google responded to requests for comment with their
own request for clarification of questions about Smith’s channel and
their community guidelines, but ultimately offered no comment.

Smith has lately been pushing users in the direction of decentralized, resilient social media platforms in the so-called “fediverse”, a network of independent social media sites that communicate with one another, and allow people to interact across different sites. This could allow far-right activists to operate in ways that make them very difficult to shut down.

Though many prominent programmers and advocates in both the wider open source software movement and the fediverse are motivated by progressive, anti-corporate or anti-authoritarian political ideals, now the tools they have created might be used to shelter far-right extremists from the consequences of their hate speech and organizing.

Manipulating the open source movement for nefarious ends

The free and open source software movement has attracted many people with progressive politics, who have used it to help provide digital tools to those with few resources, to breathe new life into hardware that might otherwise have been added to a growing mountain of e-waste, or to move public institutions from Barcelona to Brasília away from dependence on expensive software.

However, experts say that it is not surprising that someone like Smith would be tolerated or even welcomed by some elements of open source culture.

Megan Squire is a professor of computer science at Elon University who has published research on both the far right and open source software communities. She says that “the dominant open source culture historically has been one of extreme misogyny, unfounded meritocracy, toxicity and abuse of everyone,” and that Smith is one of those resisting efforts to change that culture.

In recent years, and especially since the Gamergate movement intensified scrutiny on toxicity in tech, some responded to the blatant sexism, antisemitism and racism online with codes of conduct after realizing this behavior was actually starting to hurt them (Squires says they couldn’t recruit and retain developers).

The provision of safer online spaces for marginalized groups is a large part of the motivation of many of the people who have created the underlying software. On those platforms, tools for moderation and easy ways to flag sensitive content are baked in by design. But Smith is among a small group who repeatedly rail against the introduction of such codes of conduct within open source projects.

 Some open source communications platforms do away with the need for servers by implementing a 'peer-to-peer' network

In a video recorded a week after the Capitol riots, when social media bans were removing rightwingers from Donald Trump down to prevent further violence, Smith said that those who wanted to bypass censorship should use the Twitter-like platform, Pleroma.

Open source software like Pleroma, Mastodon and Matrix reproduce the functions of Twitter, allowing users to send out brief messages to followers. But their implementation and structure are much more decentralized, allowing anyone to set up their own platform on their own server, after which they can join up, or “federate”, with other such communities.

Some open source communications platforms go a step beyond this, and do away with the need for servers altogether by implementing a “peer-to-peer” network. PeerTube, for example, allows users to browse and watch videos in a similar way to YouTube, but instead of streaming it to users from a central server, each user watching a video acts as a relay point.

The technical details are perhaps less important than the practical effect: no one has authority over these platforms: no one ownsthem. While governments and users can place pressure on the big social media companies to ban problematic users or communities, for better or worse, no one can stop anyone creating their own servers or peer-to-peer networks.

These technologies, then, are effectively uncensorable. According to a report by Emmi Bevensee, the co-founder of research consultancy Rebellious Data and the social media monitoring tool SMAT, extremists have been advocating, and even developing them, for years.

 The reason I want it as a trans anti-fascist is the same reason that a Nazi wants it; we just have opposite ends

“Every marginalized community knows what it’s like to be systematically deplatformed”, says Bevensee, who uses non-binary pronouns, pointing to the way in which groups such as sex workers have adopted platforms like Mastodon after finding themselves unable to advertise their services.

But as Bevensee’s report shows, peer-to-peer platforms are a double-edged sword. “The reason I want it as a trans anti-fascist is the same reason that a Nazi wants it; we just have opposite ends,” they explain.

“You know who really doesn’t understand it? The FBI,” Bevensee adds: “we’re talking about a technology that can’t be subpoenaed. It can’t be surveiled” and, in order to carry out remote surveillance of private chats, “you would have to back door every single device in the world”.

This opens the way for extremists to propagandize and organize on platforms that are beyond the reach of legal authorities and tech giants alike. After the far right-friendly social media site Gab encountered hosting problems and app store bans, it rebuilt itself on Mastodon’s software, despite determined opposition from the platform’s creators and users.

Beyond Gab’s ambiguous place in the fediverse, the Guardian found dozens of servers using peer-to-peer, open source tools, which were either exclusively or disproportionately devoted either to far-right politics, or to conspiracy theories that mainstream social media services have previously cracked down on, including coronavirus denialism, “incel” culture and neo-Nazism.

With the far right under pressure from mainstream social media companies and internet hosts, this may be just the beginning.

But experts say that despite their recurrent complaints about Silicon Valley’s platforms, extremists will maintain their foothold in the mainstream for as long as they can. As Squire says of Smith’s internet activity: “Why is he still on YouTube? Because that’s where the eyeballs are, that’s where the money is.”

• In the US, the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline is at 800-273-8255 or chat for support. You can also text HOME to 741741 to connect with a crisis text line counselor. In the UK and Ireland, Samaritans can be contacted on 116 123 or email jo@samaritans.org or jo@samaritans.ie. In Australia, the crisis support service Lifeline is 13 11 14. Other international helplines can be found at www.befrienders.org

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@376668346

1.你说得有道理,这几个人的主页我都看了,他们的确是在宣传种族主义和纳粹主义,管理员甚至自豪地自称自己是种族主义者和纳粹主义者,不过这些人用的是二次元头像,时间线上多是二次元图片和牢骚,还有一些种族主义的侮辱词汇,例如nigger,我搜索racist的结果有30多个,大都支持种族歧视,但是Nazist和Nazism 的结果只有一个,这些人有的在头像旁边加上了纳粹符号,有的转一些歌颂纳粹主义的表情包,有的发一些期待纳粹征服世界之类的话,我认为的确可以说这个实例是一个宣扬种族主义和纳粹的实例,但其用户对纳粹主义停留在表面的符号宗拜(不排除我了解的不够多的情况),我认为这类的纳粹主义者还是应该和另一类纳粹主义者相区分,即组织严密,思想同质的纳粹主义的,但宽泛而言,可以说这是一个种族主义和纳粹主义实例。

2.我认为屏蔽是正确的做法,如果这些的确在进行违法活动,公权力介入也是应该的,当然了,我们并不生活在同一个国家,也管不了别国的事,我们自己的问题更多,更复杂。

3.The technical details are perhaps less important than the practical effect: no one has authority over these platforms: no one owns them. While governments and users can place pressure on the big social media companies to ban problematic users or communities, for better or worse, no one can stop anyone creating their own servers or peer-to-peer networks.

These technologies, then, are effectively uncensorable. According to a report by Emmi Bevensee, the co-founder of research consultancy Rebellious Data and the social media monitoring tool SMAT, extremists have been advocating, and even developing them, for years.

" The reason I want it as a trans anti-fascist is the same reason that a Nazi wants it; we just have opposite ends "

“Every marginalized community knows what it’s like to be systematically deplatformed”, says Bevensee, who uses non-binary pronouns, pointing to the way in which groups such as sex workers have adopted platforms like Mastodon after finding themselves unable to advertise their services.

But as Bevensee’s report shows, peer-to-peer platforms are a double-edged sword. “The reason I want it as a trans anti-fascist is the same reason that a Nazi wants it; we just have opposite ends,” they explain.

“You know who really doesn’t understand it? The FBI,” Bevensee adds: “we’re talking about a technology that can’t be subpoenaed. It can’t be surveiled” and, in order to carry out remote surveillance of private chats, “you would have to back door every single device in the world”.

This opens the way for extremists to propagandize and organize on platforms that are beyond the reach of legal authorities and tech giants alike. After the far right-friendly social media site Gab encountered hosting problems and app store bans, it rebuilt itself on Mastodon’s software, despite determined opposition from the platform’s creators and users.

文章提到,假如用户使用的是去中心化平台,这些平台就不会因为外部的施压而封杀"问题用户"。 (去中心化保护问题用户)

文章还提到,"极端主义者"长年以来一直在推行在研发这类技术。(研发去中心化和p2p等技术的是坏人)

文章还提到,因为这些技术无法被监控,无法被传唤,极端主义者就可以利用这些技术进行宣传和组织。(使用这些技术的是坏人)

我看到了Double edged sword,但总体而言这篇文章对于去中心化等技术表示的是敌意。

@376668346
这里有两个问题,第一个问题是纳粹实例的标准是什么,在什么样的情况下我们可以认为一个实例是纳粹实例?我的看法是当一个实例将纳粹主义确立为官方意识形态或组织原则时,这个实例便可以被认为是纳粹实例。我刚才在搜索引擎上搜索了poa.st + nazi,并没有找到poa.st是纳粹实例的证据,也许是因为该实例关闭了目录索引。我对poa.st此前没有任何接触。而你也许对poa.st的详细信息有比较多的了解,我希望你能提供该实例为什么是纳粹实例的理由。

第二个问题是对于纳粹实例和纳粹用户应该采取什么态度(我认为作为纳粹主义者的个体用户和以纳粹主义为组织原则的实例是有很大的不同的),对于持纳粹主义观点的个体用户,我的观点是,除非该实例明确表明禁止纳粹用户,他们有权在Fediverse的各实例上注册并且发表观点,或建立自己的实例,但如果有明确的证据表明他通过Fediverse在现实中从事违法的活动,那么法律机构或实例管理员便可以依法对其惩罚。我不赞成以反纳粹的言论对纳粹用户和言论进行清理,首先,在不妨碍他人权益的情况下,言论自由是每个人的权利,是民主制度的核心原则之一,基于意识形态的言论审查本身要比纳粹言论的危险大得多。其次,纳粹一词在今日已被大幅滥用,覆盖了各个政治光谱,反纳粹在实际操作中几乎不可避免地无限扩大。第三,最重要的一点,要对所有的纳粹言论进行审查,只可能依靠一个权力高度集中,控制力极强的中央权力才能实现,这种权力的存在本身就是一个危险得多的炸弹。

对于纳粹实例,我的观点是,首先按照法律规定的来,违法了就必须接受惩罚,合法的话公权力便不宜干涉,但由于纳粹实例的侵略性一般比单独的纳粹个体要高,因此人们应该对其保持高度警惕,不过前提是该实例的确是纳粹实例。若该实例只是自说自话,不打算传教,人们不必过于担忧,但如果该实例充满了意识形态狂热,打算传播信仰,那么其它实例就应该组织起来,积极地与之战斗了。

以上是我的看法,不论以那种角度来看,Guardian所主张的通过技术巨头和政府机构对思想言论进行的中心化控制和对去中心化社交平台进行的封杀(虽然没有直说,但意思很明显),都是对思想自由和言论自由的无耻攻击,体现的都是一种反民主的危险倾向。

纽约时报的专栏作家Kevin Roose在今年也发布了一篇抨击加密通讯软件的文章,该文章认为不受权威机构管控的加密通讯会"助长虚假信息的传播"。此人还发布过一篇文章,号召拜登政府设立"真理官"。

nytimes.com/2021/02/03/technol

nytimes.com/2021/02/02/technol

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卫报发布了一篇文章,宣称Fediverse除了Gab之外。还有着几十个通过p2p技术和开源软件从事极右政治,宣扬阴谋论和新纳粹主义的实例。这篇文章还引用一个叫做 Megan Squire的"专家"的说法,声称主流的开源文化长期以来一直是"极端厌女主义"的体现,"对社会充满了毒害","虐待着所有人"。该文章指出,类似于Pleroma, Mastodon 和 Matrix 的社交平台和Facebook, Twitter这些巨头不一样,由于它们的去中心化特性,这些平台是无法遭到审查的。在Guardian看来,这是一个很严重的问题,因为这意味着权威机构和技术巨头不能审查言论,Guardian暗示道,要打击"仇恨言论" 和 "纳粹主义",就要把言论置于政府和巨头的控制之下,这些去中心化平台是不允许存在的。

"Beyond Gab’s ambiguous place in the fediverse, the Guardian found dozens of servers using peer-to-peer, open source tools, which were either exclusively or disproportionately devoted either to far-right politics, or to conspiracy theories that mainstream social media services have previously cracked down on, including coronavirus denialism, “incel” culture and neo-Nazism."

"Megan Squire is a professor of computer science at Elon University who has published research on both the far right and open source software communities. She says that “the dominant open source culture historically has been one of extreme misogyny, unfounded meritocracy, toxicity and abuse of everyone,” and that Smith is one of those resisting efforts to change that culture."

"Some open source communications platforms go a step beyond this, and do away with the need for servers altogether by implementing a “peer-to-peer” network. PeerTube, for example, allows users to browse and watch videos in a similar way to YouTube, but instead of streaming it to users from a central server, each user watching a video acts as a relay point.

The technical details are perhaps less important than the practical effect: no one has authority over these platforms: no one owns them. While governments and users can place pressure on the big social media companies to ban problematic users or communities, for better or worse, no one can stop anyone creating their own servers or peer-to-peer networks.

These technologies, then, are effectively uncensorable. According to a report by Emmi Bevensee, the co-founder of research consultancy Rebellious Data and the social media monitoring tool SMAT, extremists have been advocating, and even developing them, for years."

amp.theguardian.com/world/2021

poa.st/objects/3c198fd5-7927-4

@kydest
我认为言论自由是属于每个人的正当权利(只要它不对他人造成确切无误的损害),但"被聆听"则不是,因为假如"被聆听"成了一种权利的话,就意味着他人有着"去聆听"的这样一种义务,而我认为人们没有去聆听他人的这样一种义务,每个人都他有自己的生活,他想听什么,不听什么,应该由他自己来决定。有些人移居外国后见到他人不聆听自己,就认为言论自由是虚的,但是他人不见得是因为你的民族身份而不聆听你,也有可能是因为他本来就不同意你的观点,也可能是因为和你有文化差异,或者只是心情不好,而即便他人是因为你的民族身份不聆听你,这其实也是人之常情,因为本国人不信任外国人是普遍的现象,试想某个日本人或者西班牙人来到了中国某市,又没有融入当地,当地人也许就不会聆听他。思想开明,善解人意这些特点是值得鼓励的,但假如别人思想不开明,不善解人意,你也不应该强迫他这样做,或认为他不这样做就是隐蔽的种族主义者,更不能据此认为言论自由是虚的,无意义的。

近代的民主政体意味着一种平衡,这种平衡包括了个人与团体之间的平衡,团体与团体之间的平衡,个人,团体与国家之间的平衡,权利与责任之间平衡,传统与变革之间的平衡,等等。近几十年来美国政治的演变表明,这种平衡是十分不稳定的,在遭遇到技术的过快发展,传播媒介的剧烈改变,经济环境的恶化等多重作用时,这种平衡很容易遭到破坏。这种平衡一开始之所能成立,是因为民主社会的基本单位是拥有常识,能做出理性决定的个体,这些个体又能够与他人通过文明的沟通与和平的博弈达成共识。在18世纪和19世纪,这是容易达到的平常状态,但随着新技术和新媒介的推行,最开始是电视,然后是电脑,互联网和社交媒体,一个明显趋势就是个体理性受到了大幅削弱,个体不再被当作需要说服的对象,而成了心理操纵和性格分析的目标,就连政治本身也成了娱乐选秀的节目。另一个趋势则是,在利益不同或政见不和的群体之间,文明和理性的沟通变得越来越困难,人类向来有党同伐异的倾向,但这一倾向当今能被放大得如此厉害,恐怕与主流社交平台自身的设计脱离不了关系。这两项趋势,也就是个体理性的削弱和文明沟通的缺失,辅之以全球化,身份政治等事物的负作用,使平衡的基础遭到了严重的破坏。民主政体并不是一种一经建立就可以一劳永逸的体制,要维系民主体制就,就需要维护这些平衡,并且对新的威胁抱有警惕。

@Esthers2411 我怀疑现在的许多西方知识分子即便是知道了在朝鲜发生了的这些事,也不会认为这样做是错的,因为从上世纪末开始,西方知识分子圈子里流行的就是价值相对主义和文化决定论,即否认任何客观普世的价值标准,认为是非对错的标准局限于文化当中,而所有文化都无高下对错之分,民主人权属于"西方文化",因此用民主人权的标准评判朝鲜就是"西方霸权主义",因此朝鲜发生的这些事情就是无可指责的。阿兰·布鲁姆在《美国精神的封闭》的导言中举过这样一个例子,他曾经问学生:"如果你是驻印度的英国行政长官,你会让受自己管辖的当地人在亡夫的葬礼上烧死遗孀吗?"学生的反应则是要么一声不吭,要么会说,英国人本来就不该到那种地方去嘛。妇女在伊斯世界受到的种种奴役也被当作值得尊重的特殊文化传统,甚至那些已经移居到欧美国家的中东男子也可以继续施行这种做法,Ayaan Hirsi Ali 和 Sarah Haider 这些出身于穆斯林传统的女性在争取性别解放的路上遇到的最大阻力反而是来自西方左派。欧美知识分子对于查理周刊和巴黎砍头事件的反应也很能反映这种虚无和堕落的倾向。

@xihuhanbi@m.cmx.im 许多原本就崇拜共产党政权的学生,在步入社会,接触到严重的贫富分化与社会不公后,反而会成为更加狂热的原教旨主义毛派,在对习近平丧失幻想之后,又对毛泽东产生新的幻想。

知乎问题:你对「一出国,就爱国」的观点有同感吗?

部分回答:

1.「有些外国不好的方面,只有出国后才容易认识到。例子知乎上很多了。

有些中国不好的方面,只有出国后才容易认识到。这种例子我就不敢举了。

所以出国后思想怎么变,还是看这两者哪个比较多。亅

—匿名用户


2.「由于集体主义教育的成功,大部分留学生把对家的思念上升到了对国的思念,其实你爱的并不是国,而是家」

—嘴大猩猩


3. 「"所谓一出国就爱国"主要是阶层滑落造成的失落感受,其他意识形态话语都是用来合理化这种由于阶层滑落造成的心理感受。

出国人群大多数中产阶级,在国内的环境可以生活的舒适,基本衣食无忧,也不需要从事低技能性工作或体力劳动,拥有稳定的社会关系网以及可预期的未来上升渠道。

而中产一出国,尤其是去了西方的发达国家以后,大多数人立刻跌落进无产者的行列,在当地社会孤立无缘,经济上处于弱势地位,由于语言文化法律问题,无法从事相对需要高等技能的工作,很多只能要进入低技能行业接受无产阶级再教育,颇有上山下乡的精神体验之神韵。

阶层滑落带来的主观失落感投射到了对当地社会之上,自然地怀念起往日的美好时光,人们以为自己爱的是自己的祖国,其实只是怀念自己的阶级地位罢了。

作为一个对比,如果关注一下因偷渡或劳务输出而去西方国家的中国人,你会发现一出国就爱国的价值观是不存在的。这些人在国内处于社会底层,即便到了海外社会地位没有提高,得到的经济回报相应地提升,自然会让他们对西方社会更有好感,同样的,他们就会用西方价值观合理化自我的感受,充当起反华的急先锋。海外的反华势力,恨国党很多人都是有这种背景的(可以去看一下游土鳖上反华,大多如此)。

所以"出国就爱国"这个只能算是小布尔乔亚们的话语和叙事罢了。亅

—李有希


4.「“一出国,就爱国”本质上至少有四种情况:

发自内心地认同中国经济建设、科技水平、社会文明程度正在发展变化,并相信这种进步还将长期持续发展的,是中华民族崛起的命运所在,是一种来源于家国情怀的本能的自豪感;

个人及家庭资产、事业跟国家的经济水平紧密挂钩,虽然人在国外,但是依然挂念个人或者父母资产和事业能否顺利吃上这波经济增长红利;

怀念国内廉价又好用的服务行业和人口红利,比如外卖、出租、快递、装修、全职保姆、孩子day care等;

因为对陌生环境的不熟悉,而产生对国内熟悉环境的依赖和怀念,比如在小镇吃不到正宗红油火锅,比如看病很麻烦还要预约很久,比如还没来得及买车但公交很麻烦等。
有的人是1,有的人是2,有的人是3,有的人是4,但其实更多的人是这四条都有,每一条都占有一定的比例,并且不同时候比例不同。亅

—立党


5.「很多人只是没有获得理想中的地位而被动爱国

我一直认为,一个国家好不好还是应该由大多数底层民众去评判

尤其是一个贫富差距很大的国家

海外党爱国也没什么问题,但代表自己就好

毕竟德国人口中的西藏贵族也认为农奴制很好

如果农奴也认为农奴制很好,那就是真的好

我的意思是底层认为过的好才是真的好

没有其他意思,别想多」

—匿名用户


6.我认为不出国时不爱国,一出国就爱国的人要么是思考能力不足要么是自私的,多半是思考能力不足。难道不出国就不能对国外的情况有较多了解吗?不是有网络吗?不会自己查资料查信息?当然你没有义务去查,但如果是这样你就应该有自知之明,不能因为对国内不满就凭空想象国外会怎样优秀,对不对?干嘛一厢情愿自己骗自己?一出国发现,哎哟和想象的差太多了以前完全判断错了,这不就是说以前思考能力不足嘛。

具体到我个人的爱国主义。我从中学时候起就是一个坚定的国际主义者而非民族主义者。但我依然很爱中国,因为中国是人类无神论的灯塔,而且在苏联失败后是唯一的灯塔。西方主要发达国家都是被神棍和伪神棍深度影响的国度,其领头的美国情况尤为严重。这一点不出国我也可以知晓。不管中国再穷,中国也是在哲学和人文精神上更领先的。不管西方发达国家再富,他们在文化上也是蛮夷。就算中国没有走出成功之路而是不幸崩溃了,我也绝不认同西方文明。我只会认为地球陆沉,人类进入黑暗时代。瞧,我不需要出国也可以有这种觉悟。

—长寿者

美国喜剧演员,社会批评家George Carlin说过,“每个犬儒主义者的内心都有一个失望了的理想主义者。”( Inside every cynical person, there is a disappointed idealist." 希望越理想化,就越是容易失望和幻灭,从幻灭过渡到放弃所有的希望,这是很自然的转变。因此,犬儒主义的对面不是理想主义,而是现实主义。美国著名记者Sydney J. Harris说过一句话很有道理的话:“理想主义者认为,眼前发生的事情是不重要的。犬儒主义者认为,长期以后发生的事情是不重要的。现实主义者认为,眼前做什么或不做什么决定着长期以后会发生什么。”(An idealist believes the short run doesn't count. A cynic believes the long run doesn't matter. A realist believes that what is done or left undone in the short run determines the long run.)拒绝犬儒主义不等于回到天真的理想主义(所谓的“青春无悔”),而是要从失败的浪漫理想主义汲取教训,以务实的态度来对待未来的希望,既不放弃希望,也不盲目乐观。

"极权主义国家的有组织的撒谎并不像有时所说的那样,是类似于“兵不厌诈”那样的权宜之计。这是极权主义与生俱来的特点,即使集中营和秘密警察部队已经没有存在的必要也仍然会继续下去。在共产党的知识分子内部流传着一则地下消息,大意是尽管俄国政府现在被迫进行虚假的宣传、诬陷罪状的审判等等事情,但它正在秘密记录下真相,以后将会把这些真相公之于众。我想,我们可以很肯定地说事实根本不是这样,因为这么一种行为所暗示的心态是一个信奉自由主义的历史学家的心态,认为过去是不容改变的,对历史的正确认识是理所当然的有价值的事情。而在极权主义者的眼中,历史是创造出来的,而不是学习了解到的。一个极权主义国家的实质是神权政治,其特权统治阶级为了保住自己的地位,必须被认为是一贯正确的。但在现实中没有人能一贯正确,因此必须经常性地篡改历史事件,为的是证明这个或那个错误并没有犯过,这个或那个臆想的胜利的确发生了。然后,每一次政策的大调整都需要对教条进行相应的调整,烘托出形象伟大的历史角色。这种事情到处都在发生,但显然,在任何时候只能容忍一种意见的社会里更有可能会发生肆无忌惮的对历史的篡改。事实上,极权主义总是要求不停地篡改历史。从长远来看,它或许会要求否定客观真实的存在。在这个国度,极权主义的帮凶总是争辩说,既然绝对的真相无法得知,撒个弥天大谎比撒个小谎其实糟糕不到哪里去。他们指出,所有的史实都带有偏见,而且并不准确;另一方面,现代物理学已经指出,我们眼中那个真实的世界其实只是幻觉,因此相信眼见为实耳听为虚的证据只是庸俗的思想。一个能够维系自身延续的极权主义社会或许建立起了精神分裂的思想体系。在这个社会里,常识的法则对日常生活和某些纯科学研究起作用,但政治家、历史学家和社会学家可以罔顾它们的存在。已经有无数的人认为篡改科学课本是可耻的事情,却认为篡改历史事实并没有什么错。当文学与政治勾结在一起时,极权主义对知识分子施加了最沉重的压力。目前纯粹的科学还没有遭受到同等程度的威胁,这在部分程度上解释了在所有国家,科学家比作家更认同政府这一事实。"—奥威尔 《文学的绊脚石》

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极权主义的意识形态和一般的意识形态的区别在于,尽管几乎所有意识形态的支持者都认为自己的信奉的理论是正确的,但当事实与理论相冲突的时侯,一般人的做法是修正自己理论以适应现实(或者是装做没看见),而极权主义意识形态的做法则是操纵现实以使其适应自己的理论。普通人会认为自己信奉的理论是真理,但极权主义者认为自己信奉的理论是绝对真理,两者的区别在于,他们对于新证据、新材料的态度是什么样的:最可取的态度是以开放的眼光接受新证据、新材料,这是科学的态度。不那么可取的态度是回避新证据,新材料,这是鸵鸟的态度。而极权主义的态度则是把现实与证据本身当做可操纵的对象,认为只要用政治权力控制了现实本身,自己的理论就能做到永远正确,就像一个小孩子为了欺骗父母把家里的所有钟调慢一个小时一样。谎言和欺骗在历史上屡见不鲜,但利用一个无所不在的全能政府在整个社会中推行谎言和欺骗则是20世纪的新现象。

@KagurazakaInkscape
奥威尔的自我定位是民主社会主义者,很多人一听到社会主义就想到了苏联,但我们需要知道社会主义不等于马克思主义,更不等同于列宁主义,马克思主义是社会主义的一个分支,列宁主义是马克思主义的畸变,列宁主义又衍生出托派,斯大林派和毛派。社会民主主义,民主社会主义则属于与马克思主义分道而驰的另外两条分支,彼时英国的左翼知识分子多为列宁主义和斯大林的传声筒,奥威尔则不然,他支持的是民主社会主义,并且与亲苏俄的左派针锋相对。奥威尔认为共产主义这一条道路是死胡同,布什维克建立的苏联政权是极权主义政权,是社会主义的头号敌人,不仅会毁灭真正的社会主义,而且会彻底摧毁民主制度,政治自由,毁灭整个西方文明的根基。这也是为什么奥固然不喜欢资本主义制度,却把他的主要精力用来攻击纳粹党和共产党。奥威尔珍视英国,珍视民主制度,他认为极权主义对民主自由的威胁要比传统的专制主义或资本主义大得多,因此致力与于与极权主义和它在西方的崇拜者们战斗。

我觉得和奥威尔和亲共知识分子的最大不同就是他保有了常识理性和价值理性。其实极权主义制度的危害甚于资本主义这一点根本就是常识,任何有脑子的人都能看出来,但是知识分子的一大致命弱点就是迷信抽象理论,并因此失去基本的判断力,与现实脱节,分不清是非对错,在一个充满意识形态狂热的时代,奥威尔是为数不多的依然坚守常识,保留判断力的知识分子。奥威尔与这些人的另一大不同则是他依然保持了诚实,对自己诚实,对读者诚实。当时苏联发生的这些事情,西方的左翼不是不知道,但是知道了这些事情之后能够直面事实的人却很少,很多左翼分子为了维护自已迷信的抽象理论,刻意地掩盖这些与自身信仰相冲突的事实,还有一些左翼分子则欺骗自身这是实现伟大理想的必要之恶,只有像奥威尔这样为数不多的左派敢揭穿皇帝的新衣,指出苏联政权本质邪恶,这是他另一处很了不起的地方。

@KagurazakaInkscape
"整个左翼意识形态,无论是符合科学的内容还是乌托邦式的内容,都是由那些无望获得权力的人构想出来的。因此,它是一套极端的意识形态,完全蔑视君主、政府、法律、监狱、警察、军队、旗帜、前线、爱国主义、宗教、传统道德——事实上,蔑视一切现存的体制。在人们的记忆中,所有国家的左翼力量都在与貌似不可战胜的暴政进行着斗争,很容易就以为只要资本主义这个暴政被推翻,社会主义就会随之成立。而且,左翼人士继承了自由主义的一些值得怀疑的信念,比方说“正义必胜”、“多行不义必自毙”或“人性本善,是环境造就了坏人”等等。这种完美主义的意识形态在我们几乎所有人身上一直存在,我们打着它的旗号抗议工党投票同意赋予英国国王的儿女丰厚的年金收入,或在国有化钢铁厂这个问题上表现犹豫。但我们的脑海也形成了一系列从未说出口的自相矛盾的想法,这是源于我们在现实中栽了好多个跟头。

第一个大跟头是俄国革命。出于复杂的原因,整个英国左翼团体都被迫接受俄国政权的性质是“社会主义”,但私底下都知道它的精神和做法其实与英国本土对“社会主义”的理解完全背道而驰。因此就出现了某种思想精神分裂症,像“民主”这些词汇可以有两种不可协调的意思,而集中营和大规模迁徙这种事情既可能是对的,也可能是错的。对左翼意识形态的第二个打击是法西斯主义的崛起,这动摇了左翼人士的和平主义和国际主义,但没有明确地重新树立信念。德国人的扩张让欧洲人明白了殖民地人民一早已经明白的道理,那就是:阶级仇恨并非那么重要;还有就是:有一种东西叫做民族利益。希特勒上台后,再说什么“你的敌人就是你自己的国家”和“国家独立没有价值”就很不靠谱了。但是,虽然我们都知道这一点,并且在必要的时候作出行动,我们仍然觉得要大声说出这一点是变节行为。最后要说的是,最困难的事情是现在左翼势力已经掌权,必须承担责任,作出真正的决策。"—《作家与利维坦》

@KagurazakaInkscape
"英国从来没有一个严肃的、考虑到时代政治现实的社会主义政党。无论工党提出什么样的纲领,过去十年来要相信它的领导人预料到或期望在他们的有生之年能看到实质性的改变是很困难的事情。因此,左翼运动所蕴含的革命情感已经流入了不同的死胡同,而其中共产主义这条死胡同是最要命的。共产主义在西欧从一开始就注定会失败,各国的共产党早早就沦为俄国政权的公关喉舌。在这种情况下,他们不仅被迫随着俄国每一次政策的改变而改弦更张,而且对他们尝试领导的人的每一个本能和传统进行侮辱。经过一场内战、两次大饥荒和一场大清洗,他们所承认的祖国成立了寡头统治体制、严苛的思想审查制度并对领袖进行奴颜婢膝的崇拜。共产党人没有指出俄国是一个落后的国家,我们可以从中吸取教训但不应该进行模仿,而是被迫谎称大清洗和“清算”等行动是健康的征兆,任何思想正常的人都愿意看到它们被引进到英国。自然而然地,能被这种理念所吸引,并在了解它的本质后仍保持忠诚的人,不是神经病就是心肠歹毒的小人,对以残忍的手段而取得的成功感到心醉神迷。在英国,他们没办法吸引到稳定的追随者。但他们可能是,而且一直都是一个危险,原因很简单:没有别的团体能自称是革命人士。如果你感到不满,如果你想要以暴力推翻当前的社会体制,如果你希望加入一个能够保证实现这一点的革命政党,那么你一定会加入共产党。事实上,没有别的政党了。他们不会获得成功,但他们或许能变成希特勒。比方说,所谓的“人民大会”无法在英国执政,但它广泛地传播失败主义论调,在某个关键时刻对希特勒的帮助很大。一方面是“人民大会”,另一方面是“无论对错,我的祖国”式的爱国主义,目前根本没有切实的政策可言。

当英国出现真正的社会主义运动时——如果我们没有战败的话,它一定会到来,它的基础已经存在于上百万的酒吧和防空洞——它将消弭当前的政治分歧。它将是革命的,又是民主的。它将着眼于最基本的改变,而且愿意在必要的情况下动用武力。但它能认识到没有哪两种文化是完全相同的,它能意识到要保证革命不会遭受失败,就必须尊重民族情感和传统,它还能意识到英国不是俄国——或中国与印度。它会意识到英国的民主并非完全是假把式,或只是什么“上层建筑”。它会意识到恰恰相反,那是非常有价值的事情,必须加以保持和发扬,而且最重要的是,不能去侮辱它。这就是为什么我会花如此多的篇幅回应那些反对“资产阶级民主”的老调。资产阶级民主并不充分,但它要比法西斯主义好得多,要反对它就像把支撑着你的树枝给锯断。群众们知道这一点,即使知识分子不知道。他们会坚持民主的“幻觉”和西方意义上的诚实和体面。以“现实主义”和强权政治去打动他们,以劳伦斯和维索特出版社的口号教导他们马基雅弗利主义是没有用的。充其量那只会引起思想上的迷惑,正中希特勒的下怀。任何能够动员起英国群众的运动一定会以被马克思主义者斥为“幻觉”和“上层建筑”的民主价值为圭臬。他们要么会缔造切合他们的历史的社会主义,要么会被外敌征服,结果很难预料,但一定会很可怕。有人尝试破坏对民主的信仰,或削弱他们从新教徒世纪和法国大革命继承下来的道德法则,但并不是为自己攫取权力作准备,或许是在为希特勒铺路——我们已经看到这种事情在欧洲频频发生,再也没有理由弄错它的本质。"—《法西斯主义与民主》

@guanzhi 如果只是玩概念游戏的话,任何人都可以营造出精巧新奇的理论,可是一但涉及吃饭喝水,生老病死这些实际的考虑,所有人都是现实主义者,福柯和德里达大谈语言神奇的建构魔力,宣称客观事实不可触及,但也没看到这些人绝食断饮,露宿街头,可见这些人也是在用行动表明人是要满足温饱的。所有的后现代主义者都是说一套做一套的伪君子,他们要是真的践行自己的理论,那么便在这个世界上连一分钟都生存不了。现代社会的一大优点,也是一大弊病,便是优渥的生活条件,它使得诸多高智商的白痴有时间出产脱离现实的荒唐思想,这些荒谬愚蠢的思想又被更多肤浅盲目的脑袋接受,以至于这些学者,他们的教徒和他们的宗教竟反过来威胁到了一个社会的基本常识。一旦一个社会丧失了基本常识,分不清1+1=2还是1+1=3,迎接它的就是《1984》。

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